Tuesday, October 8, 2019

Use valid academic sources to illustrate the proximate causes for the Research Paper

Use valid academic sources to illustrate the proximate causes for the massive downturn of the U.S. economy 2009 - Research Paper Example What is however, significant to note that the crisis created a kind of contagion effect on other sectors of the economy also and started to take deeper roots in terms of creating recessionary pressures on the economy? During the last quarter of 2007, US officially went into the recession and official response from US government started to emerge. US took massive action in terms of supporting the failing institutions and government injected tax payers’ money in order to ensure that the whole financial system of the country should not collapse. This also included separate responses from the different actors of the State including The President, Congress, Treasury as well as the Fed Chairman while working in their official capacity. As discussed above that the original cause of financial crisis was the busting of asset bubble wherein the subprime mortgage portfolio of the banks started to get worse. Over the period of time, banks started the practice of lending to subprime borrowers- borrowers with impaired credit history- in order to earn higher returns. Most of the banks however, also securitized their mortgage portfolio and subsequently repackaged their loans and sold them in the form of mortgage based securities. (Cocheo. 2007). The real issue started to emerge when the subprime borrowers started to default and the banks have to divert their own funds to payoff their obligations on the mortgage based securities. This mismatching of the cash flows therefore created the credit crunch for other sectors of the economy and slowly started to engulf the whole economy. The apparent reason may be the subprime mortgages however, underlying this crisis, many critical weaknesses of the regulatory environment of the country. It is generally argued that the overall regulatory environment of the developed countries was so relaxed that the firms took undue advantage and started to adapt the business practices which were risky and put the entire

Monday, October 7, 2019

New York Computer Forensics Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

New York Computer Forensics - Essay Example New York Computer Forensics Company has skilled and expert computer forensic staff and experts. These people effectively utilize the proven methods and sophisticated software, and tools which can be used to analyze and retrieve the entire data on a crime scene system to as absolute level as probable. In this scenario, this kind of material can include deleted files and e-mail and logs and other details that can be related to the problems and issues being examined. In addition, experience in a variety of investigation scenarios over the years has permitted and skilled New York Computer Forensic Services to build up procedures and started measures that make results matchless in the Computer Forensics field (Global Digital Forensics, 2012).Services offeredThe reality is that almost all information and data formed in this day as well as age is in the form of electronic design. Additionally, New York Computer Forensic Services support a wide variety of businesses in all aspects of compute r forensic authentication achievement, protection, and arrangement by minimizing expenditures and making sure that proof does not become tainted. In addition, New York Computer Forensic Services Company specializes in a number of forensic services, which are: (Global Digital Forensics, 2012)Â   Guidance Software Professional Services Company offers their clients most effective and direct access to technical capability with a personalized practice that enhance their return on business investment.... ly, New York Computer Forensic Services support a wide variety of businesses in all aspects of computer forensic authentication achievement, protection, and arrangement by minimizing expenditures and making sure that proof does not become tainted. In addition, New York Computer Forensic Services Company specializes in a number of forensic services, which are: (Global Digital Forensics, 2012) E-mail Forensics Computer Forensics Network Forensics Data Acquisition Full Computer Forensic Investigations Evidence Processing Database Forensics Backup Tape Analysis Correlation and Link Analysis Forensic Analysis Expert Testimony Guidance Software Professional Services Guidance Software Professional Services Company offers their clients most effective and direct access to technical capability with a personalized practice that enhance their return on business investment as well as speeds-up their time to value. In addition, using the Professional Services from Guidance, business employees atta in a trusted consultant to meet their objectives in all regions of digital analysis of any walk of life. Additionally, the Guidance Software Advisory Program (GAP) is aimed at ensuring successful acceptance and implementation of the EnCase application suite of the software system into a company’s business operations and processes. Moreover, the tactic of Guidance Software Professional Services for investigation is based on examine, plan, and frequent assessment of procedures enhancement and risk (Guidance Software, 2012). Services Offered There are many services and support areas offered by Guidance Software Professional Services Company. Given below are some of them: (Guidance Software, 2012) Casework Services Implementation Services Cyber Security Assessment Services Data Mapping

Sunday, October 6, 2019

Global warming Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 2

Global warming - Essay Example With the influx of urbanization, pollution from engines, industries, and companies needs to be stringently regulated. Such has become an advocacy for Intergovern ­mental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), World Meteorological Organisation (WMO), and the United Na ­tions Environment Programme (UNEP) since 1988 with civil society around the globe (IPCC, 2007). The issue deserved serious concern as global temperature increased from 3 ° to 5 ° C – and might reached at 5.4 ° to 9 ° Fahrenheit in 2100. The sea level has also risen at 25 meters and is projected to reach 82† by the year 2100 (IPCC, 2007).    The rise of global temperatures brought along some drastic changes in land and oceans as thermal expands at the ocean and the rapid melting of polar and Antarctic regions (IPCC, 2007; Craven, 2012). Ecologists likewise observed that precipitation patterns are changing with disaster’s increase of numbers and intensities. Experts posit that the erratic increase of frequency, duration, and intensity of climatic outburst caused so much flooding, prolonged drought season, severe heat waves, and changes in weather patterns (IPCC, 2007; Craven, 2012). The global warming cause negative impact to agriculture too as yields became poor; more glacial retreat, reduced summer period; and brought extinction of some species (IPCC, 2007; Craven, 2012). Health experts also argued that global warming also espoused malaria and other diseases in areas where these have been quelled before (IPCC, 2007). Global warming is a consequence of both manmade actions and astronomical developments influencing the earth’s surface (Craven, 2012). In the last decades, people have increasingly devastated ecology with pollution, logging, mining, and other resource related extraction. This is further aggravated with the recent phenomenon when the sun reached its ripening period thus producing some C-flares,

Saturday, October 5, 2019

Midterm Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 4

Midterm - Essay Example e denied same job opportunities as the whites; they were made to work for the whites without pay, in the World War they were made to serve in only segregated units. The slaves were used for agricultural purposes as labor especially in cotton and tobacco plantations. They were also used in shipyards, as domestic slaves and as labor on the docks. They were viewed as slaves so much to the point that their owners bought them. A slave could be bargained for, and the highest bidder would take him or her home. The owners were allowed to do anything to the slaves including killing them as the Black Americans were not viewed equals to the rest. They were given the hardest works, worked under the toughest conditions and were treated to gruesome punishments like being left to be mauled by dogs or starved to death. After a while, the art of the slave trade was abolished in America, and was now illegal and punishable by death. This shows the start of a new century which hopefully would bring a change to the African Americans. However, it still did not bring change. They were still treated with contempt and were discriminated especially in the fact that they could not share the same facilities with the whites like the train, the bus, the restaurants and more. They were allowed to vote in the national elections and poll taxes. In response to all this, in 10909, lobbyist groups and protest groups emerged to respond to the de jure racism. One of the groups was the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) (Zastrow, 2010). This period is at times known as the Nadir of American Race Relations. This is so because this was the height of African American segregation. It was so intense that race riots were experienced, black lynching and anti blacks’ violence. It was so in tense that in 1946, Einstein defined African American racism as America’s worst disease. In 1981-1997, the United States Department of Agriculture discriminated against African American

Friday, October 4, 2019

Smokers in Great Britain and USA Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Smokers in Great Britain and USA - Essay Example -  Smokers from most provinces have been issued with rights that assist them in their consumption provided that they adhere to the set laws. -  Most of the rules prevent smoking in public places where there are secondary casualties and do not target the smokers directlyb)  Social perspective-  The country has friendly laws on smokers; hence, reducing the rate at which they are being referred to as social outcasts.-  Despite round 11% of the population agreeing to smoke daily, they were not referred to as social pariahs due to adherence to rules and lack of anti-smoking campaigns.C.  COMPARISON BETWEEN UK, US AND CANADA (Crystal, 2012; Bullard, 2013; Thestar.com, 2015)a)  Rights-  Canada has different civil rights as compared to the U.K and U.S that can be observed in the smoking sector; hence, smokers in Canada are less likely to be referred to as outcasts.-  There is the presence of friendly rules in Canada that do not contribute to the diminishment of smokers' rig hts unlike in the U.K and U.Sb)  Social perspective and media coverage-  Canada has positive media coverage on smoking unlike in the U.S and U.K whereby there is an increase in anti-smoking media campaigns.-  In the U.s and U.K, the media covers smoking in terms of health and negativity but in Canada promotes smoking.D.  CONTRAST BETWEEN THE UK, US, AND CANADA (Crystal, 2012; Bullard, 2013; Thestar.com, 2015)a)  Percentage of smokers -  The U.K has more than 24% of the population being involved in tobacco consumption while the U.S has an average of 20% compared.

Thursday, October 3, 2019

Jefferson Essay Essay Example for Free

Jefferson Essay Essay Thomas Jefferson played a very important role in the history of the United States. Jefferson is most famously known for writing the Declaration of Independence. Thomas Jefferson talked many times about African-Americans in America. Where they equal to white people? How were whites and blacks different? What about slavery? Thomas Jefferson had an opinion on all of these subjects, but much of what Thomas Jefferson said was later contradicted with his own words. What did Thomas Jefferson mean when he said that all men were equal? Well, many people would agree with what it means today in modern times. Today the statement, all men are created equal means; all men and women whether black, white, tall, short, fat, or skinny were all created equal. That is not necessarily what it meant in the 1700s. Blacks were enslaved and worked hard while wealthy white men did nothing of the sort. Justice Thurgood Marshall said, â€Å"The blacks were so far inferior, that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect†¦ and that the Negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his benefit. This excerpt shows that in that time blacks were not treated the same as whites and clearly did not have the same rights. Conor Cruise O’Brien’s book confirms this belief as he takes a quote from Thomas Jefferson himself: â€Å"It is accepted that the words ‘all men are created equal’ do not, in their literal meaning, apply to women, and were not intended by the Founding Fathers to apply to slaves. † This shows that when Thomas Jefferson talks abo ut all men being created equally he means to say white men. The meaning of the word expatriation is as follows; to leave one’s native country to live elsewhere (Merriam-Webster). Jefferson wanted to send the blacks that were descendent of the original slaves back to Africa. The deal here was Africa was no longer their native country. This act was known as expatriation. The southern courts believed that slavery violated the natural rights of blacks and although slavery was allowed and legal it was immoral and unjust. Thomas Jefferson made it known that he supported the abolishment of slave trading. He said the following to Congress; â€Å"withdraw the citizens of the United States from all further participation in those violations of human rights which have been so long continued on the unoffending inhabitants of Africa. † By this Jefferson means that the people of the United States should stop the enslavement of blacks so that they no longer violate the human rights and stop offending the people of Africa. In this way Jefferson’s reasons for promoting expatriation and understanding for the natural rights of blacks were consistent. He wanted to send the blacks back because he wanted to stop offending the people of Africa. Jefferson believed that blacks and whites were very different. He said that he believed that blacks were originally their own race and became distinct by time and certain circumstances. According to Jefferson blacks came from their own species but were from the same general genus that is the human race. He said that blacks were inferior to whites in mind and body. This can be said to mean that whites were possibly better looking people or that they were more fit. It could have been said to mean that whites were smarter than blacks because they had an education that the blacks did not have. Jefferson did not believe blacks were men. â€Å"Men,† was said to be referred to as only white men. Samuel Eliot Morison says in his book; â€Å"In his views (Jefferson) blacks were not men. † The possession of individual rights was mainly determined by one’s race or skin color. Blacks had no rights early on in the 1700s but began to become free in the early 1800s. A wealthy white male had all rights; he was allowed to do what he wanted so long as it was just. A black man was free and eventually gained simple rights due to the belief that the United States was violating human rights. I do not believe that expatriation could have been a helpful solution to the problem of slavery in America. I believe this because if the slaves would have gone to Africa they would be gone, but there is no saying that the lazy southern farmers would not have brought in slaves from other places. They would have gotten so used to not having to work that they would not be able to start working again. I think that they would possibly keep indentured servants as permanent slaves or enslave poor people. I’m sure that expatriation would not solve the problem of slavery, at least not immediately. As I stated in the beginning, Jefferson’s view changed greatly throughout the course of his lifetime. Later in his life he began to appreciate black people more because of all their hard work. Also, he realized that blacks were the same as whites in that they were to be given human rights and that the people of the United States had been violating their rights from the very beginning. Jefferson also saw that blacks were men, and that really God created all men equal, black and white. Thomas Jefferson certainly lived an intriguing life. He lived during a time where slavery was legal. He lived during a time when slavery began to die out. Jefferson was part of the reason why blacks are free today. Although his beliefs shifted throughout the duration of his life he ended on the good side, the side that was just. He began to believe that all men are created equal with a literal meaning.

Wednesday, October 2, 2019

Treaty of Lisbon and 2004 Constitutional Treaty Comparison

Treaty of Lisbon and 2004 Constitutional Treaty Comparison Before considering the differences between the contents of the Treaty of Lisbon and the failed 2004 Constitutional Treaty, not least because in the views of many this could be a short discussion, it seems prudent to briefly consider why it was felt necessary that any change to what was then, and in fact still is now, the status quo was required. At the conference of Nice, in 2000, a declaration was made as a result, in part, due to the agreement between Member States that the way should be opened for the expansion of the Community to allow entrance of a number of new States to the Community[1]. The conference felt that a number of points needed to be considered and addressed. There were four points raised for discussion namely: how to establish and monitor a more precise delimitation of powers  between the European Union and Member States, reflecting the  principle of subsidiarity. the status of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union†¦ a simplification of the Treaties†¦ the role of national parliaments in the European architecture.[2] These points were considered in December 2001 in Laeken in Belgium where a declaration was made in respect of how it was felt the Union needed to proceed in order to ensure a successful future[3]. The Laeken Declaration drew deeply on history and the divisions which had been caused, in the main, by the Second World War. It saw that the future and unified Europe would expunge those divisions and pave a bright future for the Union as a whole. The resultant Constitutional Treaty set out how it was felt that the Union could proceed as a defined unit. The coverage of its abrupt failure has been comprehensive with many views expressed as to reasons for this. Some believed that it was erroneous to even consider a document of this kind in relation to Europe, arguing that the situation in place worked sufficiently well[4]. Whilst others were critical of its contents believing that it was a step too far in the direction if a federal Europe and others believed that its failure was the result of an underlying suspicion of the Union as whole in many member states[5]. Whatever the reasons behind its failure, and it is likely to be a combination of all of the expressed views, the process towards some kind of constitutional document continued. Following the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in referenda in France and the Netherlands and the likely imminent rejection in other states including possibly the United Kingdom, a halt was placed on proceedings and a period of reflection was implemented in which Member States were encouraged to enter into debate and discussion with their citizens in an attempt to pave a way forwards. This process took place during the remainder of 2004 and 2005, and then in 2006, Germany was commissioned by the European Council to assess the situation with regards to the Constitutional Treaty. Following this, in June 2007 the ‘Reform Treaty’ was introduced and this was developed over the next year or so and, because the European Union Presidency was held by Portugal at the end of 2007, was renamed as the Treaty of Lisbon. This treaty like the Constitutional Treaty before it required ratification by all Member States. This was mostly achieved, but Ireland, the only Member State who se constitution requires a referendum before ratifying the Treaty, returned a no vote in that referendum. The reasons for this will be discussed below, but at the current time the constitution of the European Union, or lack thereof, remains as it did in 2000 following the Treaty of Nice. One of the key complaints, as mentioned above, of the Constitutional Treaty was its implications in relation to a federal Europe. Article I-8 of the Treaty provided for amongst others the celebration of Union Day on 9th May each year. In drafting the Treaty of Lisbon the Council were careful to ensure that any reference to a constitutional document was removed. There can be no doubt that the Treaty of Lisbon makes a number of key amendments to the EC Treaty. Large numbers of these however are replications of what was already contained within the Constitutional Treaty. One area where there is remarkable consistency between the Constitutional Treaty and the new Treaty on European Union and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union which the Treaty of Lisbon creates in place of the EU Treaty, is that of the role of national parliaments in relation to the Union. It will be remembered that this was one of the key questions discussed Laeken and was clearly believed to be vital in ensuring a unified Europe. Article I-11 of the Constitutional Treaty provided that national parliaments would ensure compliance with the principle of subsidiarity, a principle which states that the European Union will only take action on matters which it is felt, due to their scale, cannot be addressed at a national level. This statement is transferred in almost identical form to Article 5 of the Treaty on European Union by Article 1(6) of the Treaty of Lisbon. Article I-18(2) of the constitutional treaty required the European Commission to bring to the attention of national parliaments proposals to instigate a flexibility clause which allows for the adoption of measures by the Union where there are insufficient powers in place to allow for their adoption. This statement is added almost word for word into Article 352(2) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. These are two examples of the nine provisions contained within the Constitutional Treaty in relation to the role of subsidiarity, which have remained to all purposes unaltered within the contents of the Treaty of Lisbon. Whilst this is not the place for a full discussion on the validity of these provisions, there seems to be little doubt that they provide for a greater contribution to Union policy making by national parliaments and, in conjunction with the provisions of Article 7(3) of the Protocol on the Application of the Principles of Subsidiarity and Proportionality in allowing, in certain circumstances, national parliaments to veto Union legislation give national parliaments a much more significant position within the Union’s political processes. The next area considered at Laeken was the introduction of the Charter of Fundamental Rights. Both this and the European Convention on Human rights would have been accepted into the European Constitution under Article I-9 of the Constitutional Treaty. Rather unsurprisingly given the tone of what has gone before both were to become legally binding following the ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon. It is interesting to note that the text of the Charter is absent from the Treaty itself, rather it was to be introduced in Article 6(1) of the Treaty on European Union. It is necessary next to address the fourth of the four considerations of the Laeken declaration before considering the third. The Constitutional Treaty contained provisions giving the Union competence or the ability to legislate in certain areas. These split into two sections exclusive competence, in which only the Union could legislate and shared competence in which this ability is shared with the member state, providing the Union has not exercised its competence[6]. The wording in relation to these competences is indicative of the level of change that took place between the Constitutional Treaty and the Treaty of Lisbon. Paragraph two of Article 2, in the Treaty on European Union read: ‘The Member States shall exercise their competence to the extent that the Union has not exercised its competence. The Member States shall again exercise their competence to the extent that the Union has decided to cease exercising its competence.’ This was amended from the following in t he Constitutional Treaty: ‘The Member States shall exercise their competence to the extent that the Union has not exercised, or has decided to cease exercising, its competence.’ This seems to be an attempt to demonstrate that some power with regard to these competences can be returned to the member state if the Union ceases to act, but it can be seen that the change between the two treaties is minimal[7]. The final of the four considerations expressed in Nice and given voice in Laeken was that of simplifying the Treaties. There can be no doubt that the Constitutional Treaty would have done this. There would be one definitive document containing the whole scope and powers of the Union, the Treaty of Lisbon was clearly a long way from achieving that aim. This treaty is an amendment of previously existing treaties and read in isolation is almost pointless. It also results in yet another reclassification of the treaty articles and subsequently yet another table of equivalences. Whilst it seems an obvious point, this one factor is the single largest difference between the Constitutional Treaty and the Treaty of Lisbon, thus indicating that other differences, as has been discussed, are rather minor. Before continuing to discuss the possible reasons behind the Irish no vote, this seems a sensible point to summarise the differences which exist between the Treaty of Lisbon and its failed predecessor. One of the single, and perhaps most significant, differences between the two does not involve the details of their respective texts at all. One of the ideas considered at Laeken was that the Union should adopt a more open and democratic approach to its policy making process. This was given effect in the drafting of the Constitutional Treaty. Following its failure however the Union immediately returned to the previous approach of secretive, less democratic policy making. In an attempt to push through the reforms contained within the Constitutional Treaty, all be it minus certain contentious areas, the Union developed the Treaty of Lisbon with little or no public consultation. It has been mentioned numerously above that there are very few significant substantive changes between the two treaties. It should be emphasised that the express constitutional intent has been removed and any statements which could be viewed as suggestive of federalism have also disappeared. The declaration that the European Parliament is sovereign has also been removed[8]. There are a number of minor technical changes in relation to the scope of competences and rights in relation to subsidiarity have also been lightly modified. In most other respects the two treaties are the same. So, why did the Irish public choose not to ratify the Treaty of Lisbon? There were a number of specific details presented by the Irish ‘No’ campaign in the lead up the Irish referendum on the ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon. Tony Gregory TD stated that it was his belief that the Treaty would weaken the position of Ireland within Europe and would cause Ireland to lose its traditionally neutral military position[9]. Other areas of the campaign stated that a yes vote would ‘introduce abortion and high taxes, and abolish peat cutting and union rights.’[10] The no campaigners, rather conflictingly, used the loss of the Irish seat on the Commission, a result in its size reduction following ratification, as a reason for refusing the Treaty. It could be argued that any of these reasons or a collection of them were responsible for the no vote but it would seem naà ¯ve on the part of both sides of the debate to believe that specifics were the cause of the failur e of the Treaty. Whilst it is impossible to give definitive reasons for failure, it seems to me that the Irish, French and Dutch no votes must, in some way be linked. And since it is unlikely that any specific point could give rise to the same level of reaction in each country there must be some other underlying reason for the populations’ refusal to accept a constitutional type of treaty for Europe. When asked for comment by the BBC, one Irish no voter stated that he had voted in this manner for, amongst other reasons, the fact that ‘the whole European Union regime is getting ridiculous and is too underhand to even follow’[11] It is the word underhand which is most interesting in this statement. Could it be that despite all of the efforts made to the contrary, the European Population believe that the European Union is encroaching too far on national sovereignty and is an elite non-democratic force which is not necessarily always a force for good. This would certainly be a euro-sc eptics view, but as the results of these referenda demonstrate they do appear to be the majority. The ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon by most Member States has been seen by many as underhand. Its contents are not sufficiently different to the Constitutional Treaty to warrant ratification without referral to the general population and whilst this could be a reason for the no vote in Ireland I believe the descent runs deeper. It appears that there could be large scale Euro-scepticism at play in many Member States. With this in mind, the steps that are now taken by the Union will surely be instrumental in deciding its success or, not failure because that is unlikely, but certainly value and purpose. Given their efforts in trying to ratify the Treaty of Lisbon, it seems reasonably certain that the executive powers in the Member States will not stop in their moves to introduce the measures provided for in the Constitutional Treaty. The options are few; should there now be a further period of reflection and try to restart the process once the dust has settled? Should areas be dealt with in a point by point manner, simply amended existing European legislation as and when required? Should, as the French government suggest, the Irish no vote be ignored and the Treaty ratified in their absence? Or should the current status quo remain untouched. At a summit in Brussels in December, the Irish government gave a commitment to attempt, via a new referendum; get the Treaty ratified within the next twelve mo nths providing certain guarantees were made by other Member States. It seems that so far as the Treaty of Lisbon is concerned the European Union is quite happy to take the approach of ‘if at first you don’t succeed, try, try again’. This is all very well, but surely it would be better to consider the reasons for failure rather than trying to push the populace into accepting a situation for which there are clearly serious and numerous reservations. As a conclusion it seems fitting to use Joseph Weiler’s erudite discussion on the treaties and consider the bearing this has on the problems encountered. ‘The segue was of course priceless even Houdini would marvel at the magic. Take the Treaty which masqueraded as a Constitution, do some repackaging, and now it is a Constitution masquerading as a Treaty. The repackaging is pretty crude: strip away the word constitution. Pretend the Charter of Fundamental Rights is not part of the Reform Treaty and all this whilst pontificating on the need for transparency.’[12] Table of Legislation EC Treaty (Treaty of Rome) 1957 Treaty of Nice C80 2001 Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe C310 Volume 47 2004 Treaty of Lisbon amending the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty establishing the European Community C306 Volume 50 2007 Bibliography The Laeken Declaration G. Barrett, â€Å"The king is dead, long live the king: the recasting by the Treaty of Lisbon of the provisions of the Constitutional Treaty concerning national parliaments† (2008) European Law Review 33(1) J. Bateman, â€Å"Brussels Bulletin: a New European Framework† [2008] International Family Law Jounal 134 R. Bellamy, â€Å" The European Constitution is Dead, Long live European Constitutionalism† (2006) 13 Constellations 181 BBC News Online (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/shared/spl/hi/pop_ups/08/europe_ireland_votes_no/html/1.stm) Graà ­nne de Bà ºrca, Reflections on the path from the Constitutional Treaty to the Lisbon Treaty, Jean Monnet Working Paper 03/08 P. Craig, â€Å"The Treaty of Lisbon, process, architecture and substance† (2008) European Law Review 33(2) M. Dougan, â€Å"The Treaty of Lisbon 2007: winning minds, not hearts† (2008) 45 Common Market Law Review 617-703 D Granville, â€Å"Irish Democrat: Gregory Joins the No Campaign†, Connolly Publications Ltd, London, 2008 B. Laffan and J O’Mahoney â€Å"Ireland and the European Union† Palgrave MacMillan, London, 2008 D. MacShane, â€Å"Ireland’s No Vote: Europe Is Not Going Away†, Times Online, 2008 (http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/columnists/guest_contributors/article4133106.ece) R. McAllister â€Å"European Union: A Historical and Political Survey† Taylor and Francis Ltd, London 2008 L. Siedentop, â€Å" A Crisis of Legitimacy† (2005) 112 Prospect J. Snell, â€Å"European constitutional settlement, an ever closer union, and the Treaty of Lisbon: democracy or relevance?† (2008) European Law Review 33(5) P. Syrpis, â€Å"The Treaty of Lisbon: Much ado †¦ but about what?’ (2008) Industrial Law Review 37(3) J Weiler, â€Å"European Journal of International Law Marking the anniversary of the Universal Declaration; the Irish no and the Lisbon Treaty† E.J.I.L. 2008, 19(4), 647-653 S. Weatherill, â€Å"The Lisbon Treaty: Aspiration and Structure†, in Weatherill, EU Law (OUP: 8th ed. 2007), S Weatherill â€Å"Cases and Materials on EU Law†, 8th Revised Edition, OUP, Oxford, 2007 1 Footnotes [1] Treaty of Nice ‘Declaration on the Future of the Union’ [2] Ibid [3] The Laeken Declaration [4] R. Bellamy, â€Å" The European Constitution is Dead, Long live European Constitutionalism† (2006) 13 Constellations 181 [5] L. Siedentop, â€Å" A Crisis of Legitimacy† (2005) 112 Prospect [6] Article 2 of the Treaty on European Union. I-12 of the Constitutional Treaty. [7] See www.statewatch.org for further detailed comparisons [8] Article I-6 [9] D Granville, â€Å"Irish Democrat: Gregory Joins the No Campaign†, Connolly Publications Ltd, London, 2008 [10] D. MacShane, â€Å"Ireland’s No Vote: Europe Is Not Going Away†, Times Online, 2008 (http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/columnists/guest_contributors/article4133106.ece) [11] BBC News Online (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/shared/spl/hi/pop_ups/08/europe_ireland_votes_no/html/1.stm) [12] J Weiler, â€Å"European Journal of International Law Marking the anniversary of the Universal Declaration; the Irish no and the Lisbon Treaty† E.J.I.L. 2008, 19(4), 647-653